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How Democrats Can Win in West Virginia

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What should a Democrat seeking office in West Virginia do to get elected?

My advice: Look at what Shawn Fluharty is doing.

First, some context.

A Lake Research Partners poll conducted September 16–21 surveyed 700 likely West Virginia voters, with an additional oversample of 100 voters in battleground legislative districts.

The findings? Fifty-seven percent said West Virginia is on the wrong track, compared with just 30 percent who believe the state is headed in the right direction.

Among those who said West Virginia is on the wrong track, 51 percent blamed Republicans. Just 7 percent blamed Democrats.

That’s political currency. It’s dissatisfaction an opposition party can campaign on. But dissatisfaction doesn’t automatically translate into votes.

The challenge is converting frustration into electoral support. And in West Virginia, where Republicans outnumber Democrats, that requires more than energizing the Democratic base.

It requires persuading independents and convincing at least some longtime Republicans – those who have resisted membership in the “Morrisey third” – to abandon their party loyalty in a general election.

That’s a tall order, as illustrated by this text received Tuesday:

“The Democrats ruined West Virginia from 1930 until 2016. Although Republicans have tripped all over themselves, I’m not ready for the Democrats to run West Virginia into the ditch again yet.”

Therein lies the Democrats’ problem.

Voters can be deeply dissatisfied with Republican leadership and still refuse to vote for a Democrat.

Back to Shawn Fluharty.

The longtime, well-known House member is challenging Republican incumbent Senator Laura Wakim-Chapman, an ally of Senate President Randy Smith and Governor Patrick Morrisey.

Fluharty’s message is straightforward: West Virginia’s economy is underperforming, and the Republicans, particularly the Morrisey-Smith faction, running state government should be held accountable.

“According to the U.S. Bureau of Economic Analysis, West Virginia’s economy shrank 2.3% in the second quarter of 2026,” Fluharty posted on Facebook.

“Where does that performance rank? Last. That silly ribbon cutting tour we just saw in the Northern Panhandle was nothing more than smoke and mirrors, per usual.”

James Carville would be proud. It’s the economy, stupid.

This combined with inflationary pressures driving up the cost of living on the Republican watch – why haven’t they cut the gas tax yet – and you have a powerful message.

Meanwhile, a political action committee associated with Senate President Randy Smith has created an advertisement attacking Fluharty over the long-running controversy surrounding transgender athletes.

Consider the contrast.

Fluharty is talking about economic performance and daily struggles. His opponents are revisiting a cultural controversy that has already been addressed. Done. Over.

I’m not suggesting the transgender athletics issue is unimportant to voters – the idea that boys should not compete with girls is fundamental. But is it the issue that will persuade a frustrated, business-minded Republican to stick with his Republican loyalties?

Will it convince an independent who believes West Virginia’s economy is heading in the wrong direction?

Doubtful on both counts.

The Legislature acted to prohibit biological males from competing in girls’ and women’s sports. Republicans won that policy argument, and the United States Supreme Court affirmed the law in the BPJ case.

Now what?

For voters worried about jobs, economic opportunity, population loss and the state’s future, the question is whether Republican leadership is delivering results on the issues that affect their livelihoods.

That’s where Fluharty is directing his attention.

On Tuesday, he reinforced his economic message by citing a troubling report from WVU economist John Deskins.

Expect more of the same as Fluharty campaigns door to door.

There’s another key opportunity for Democrats: independent voters.

Republican lawmakers’ effort to restrict independent participation in their primaries created an unnecessary controversy – it cost Republicans the State Supreme Court in the May primary.

Democrats would be wise to remind independents that their participation in the political process was essentially de-valued and dismissed with the move to close the primary.

Taken together, these issues offer Democrats something they have lacked for years: an opportunity to make the election a referendum on Republican governance rather than Democratic identity.

But they must resist the temptation to believe that unfavorable polling numbers for Patrick Morrisey and legislative Republicans will translate automatically into Democratic victories.

They won’t.

Democrats must give voters a means to be dissatisfied with Republicans without requiring them to abandon their conservative values.

That means talking about economic growth, jobs, government accountability and opportunity, rather than allowing Republicans to define every campaign around national cultural controversies.

Other Democratic candidates would be wise to take a page from Fluharty’s playbook.





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