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Most political buzz around the Capitol is squarely focused on the Republican supermajorities in both chambers, and on the governor’s State of the State address Wednesday night.
Democrats are small in number — just nine members in the House and two in the Senate — so their issues can struggle to compete for attention.
After a “kitchen table” tour around the state, Democrats say they’re focused on four key areas: utility bills, childcare, healthcare, and housing.
There’s little doubt those issues are front-and-center for many West Virginia families. The real question is what, specifically, Democrats would do to fix them. That’s where it gets complicated.
Running against utilities — in elections or by casting them as the villain during a session — isn’t new. One of the best to ever do it was a Virginia legislator named Ward Armstrong. He rarely ran against another candidate so much as he ran against electric rates: he was David; the utilities were Goliath. He played the role well.
But Armstrong probably understood there wasn’t much he could actually do to lower prices.
West Virginia Democrats may find the same.
One idea that surfaces from time to time is electing Public Service Commissioners. Some states already do that. But there’s no concrete evidence establishing causation that elected commissioners produce lower rates. Why? Because much of ratemaking is governed by statute and regulatory mechanisms. Commissioners are bound by those rules. Yes, it’s complicated. Yes, there’s nuance. But that’s the 50,000-foot truth.
Cheaper bills come from more people and more businesses — more load to spread fixed costs over a broader base. True of gas and true of water as well.
A rate freeze — also floated as a fix — typically just delays the pain. It can lead to a larger increase later, or discourage investment needed to maintain and improve reliability. Neither outcome is desirable.
What about housing?
Is the problem supply, or cost? Realistically, it’s both — and both are problems markets solve best over time. Developers build where economic conditions justify investment; more supply, in turn, moderates price. Rental markets aren’t much different.
The state is already in on financing. The West Virginia Housing Development Fund is a state-created public agency that helps expand affordable housing by financing residential projects for low- and moderate-income families. Since its founding in 1969, it has issued more than $4.5 billion in bonds and supported the development of more than 165,000 housing units statewide.
Healthcare is largely a federal issue. On Talkline Tuesday, Delegate Mike Pushkin pointed to the “Medicaid cliff” — what happens when someone’s income rises slightly and they lose Medicaid coverage altogether, rather than having benefits phase out gradually.
While the state likely can’t eliminate that cliff on its own — much of that is federal — it may be able to soften the landing with timing changes, transitional coverage options, or administrative flexibility.
Childcare also came up last session. Several organizations, including the West Virginia Chamber of Commerce, pushed a “tri-share” model: one-third paid by the employer, one-third by the state, and one-third by the family. It’s worthy of discussion. But some employers may struggle to afford their share, and expanding government programs runs headlong into another reality: West Virginia’s political appetite to cut spending and taxes.
Still, Democrats deserve the benefit of the doubt — and the time — to fully explain the mechanics of what they’re proposing.
And even if they have the roadmap and the Xs and Os worked out, Dems face a Republican supermajority that may not be eager to hand them policy wins — and the political capital that comes with wins — especially in an election year.
So, can Dems deliver? Ask me on Day 61.